HUMAN RIGHTS
AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF WORKERS’ MOVEMENT
IN THE SUDAN
1946-1996

By: MAHGOUB SID AHMED
Collected by: ALI MAHGOUB
Translated by: MAHGOUB EL-TIGANI

"The workers’ trades unionist movement was closely linked with the popular organizations in the striving for the achievement of national liberation from colonialism in the pre-independence era. Equally important, their movement collaborated with the organizations that struggled fir the economic and political independence of the Sudan through the assurance of democratic rile, social welfare, and human rights for the citizenry. The relationships of the workers were strongly interrelated with the peasants’ movement all over the country, as well as movements of the youth, women and students …

"The labor movement acquired rich experiences via the honest and original work it has been committed to pursue independently from the authority … The ethics, principles, and democratic traditions the workers’ movement implanted among popular organizations in the Sudanese nationalist life, in addition to the solidarity gained in the regional and international arenas, have characterized major features of the labor movement of the country.

"The virtues of committing labor unions to all these principles and good traditions made of the unions a broad base for the accommodation of all workers, regardless of color, sex, religious faith, political and/or ideological belonging. The unions have been primarily founded on the basis of non-discrimination and the observance of human rights …

"The labor unions recruited workers from all parts of the Sudan, north, south, west and east. A strong unionist movement was even established in Southern Sudan that had been plagued by slavery, war, and economic backwardness for a long time."

Mahgoub Sid Ahmed
Assistant Secretary for Foreign Relations
Sudan Workers’ Trades Unions Federation (in exile)

HUMAN RIGHTS
AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF WORKERS’ MOVEMENT
IN THE SUDAN,
1946-1996

MAHGOUB SID AHMED

The Labor Agreement

Before it became a federation of workers' trade unions, the Workers' Conference submitted a memorandum to the British Administrative Secretary. The memorandum included general claims of the workers. Some of the claims included a 75% wage increase, reduction of working hours to 42 instead of 48 hours a week, part time payments, improvement of ordinary vacations and sick leaves, industrial safety measures, and social security.

The Conference decided to go on a general strike for the first time in Sudan as a significant means of generating public support and evolving a movement of workers and the other working groups around some issues. The strike was planned such that specific sections of the workers would continue to work voluntarily so that people would not suffer from shortages of public service in health, hospitals, electricity and water utilities.

The effective implementation of the Conference decisions forced the government to negotiate with union representatives about their claims. The negotiations were unique as 30 British administrators comprising all directors of government departments had been led by chairman of the civil service board to participate in them. After 5 days of continuing discussions, the first agreement ever on government/labor negotiation was signed by the two partners.

The negotiating British senior officials agreed to the workers demands, except for social security. They were also conservative about the required wage increase until experts of the International Labor Organization would evaluate the situation of employment in the country. The government, however, paid a 2-months' salary to workers and employees of the state as a grant to sustain their living in the meantime.

The Development of Unions

In November 1950, the trade unions movement began to expand. Many unions were registered in accordance with provisions of the 1948 Law of Trades Unions (amended 1949). The law stated that a union would be formed according to work in a certain unit and that the minimum number of workers in a union would be 10 persons.

In 1960 another law raised the minimum membership of a trades union to 50 members. The law was further amended in 1971 with a shift in the definition adopted for a union. A union was defined by similarity of industry or profession rather than affiliation to a specific unit of work.

The Workers' Trades Unions Federation

The development of events, the expansion of unions, the increasing rate of strikes in response to conflicts with the colonial authorities, and the creation of laws to regulate labor organizations led to the development of the Workers' Trades Unions Federation. The founding conference of the Federation was held on November 15, 1950. The conference resolved in approving a constitution for the Federation including the following provisions:

The setting up of a general assembly as a source of authority for Federation to convene annually with the participation of at least 3 union members of each union as proportional representation. Supervised by a non-partisan committee composed of the chief editors of newspapers, executive officers of the Federation (president, secretary-general, and treasurer) were elected by direct and secret ballot. A general secretariat was formed by proportional representation of the unions. The secretariat elected an executive committee, including a president, secretary-general, and treasurer to run Committee's workaday affairs. The committee consisted of 12 members elected by workers of government units, added to 6 members elected by unions of the private sector, and 4 members elected by the other working groups such as craftsmen, builders, tailors, taxi drivers, etc.

The presidency of the Federation, including the president, secretary-general, and treasurer with the other assistants, worked as an executive body for the secretariat-general of the Federation that, in turn, was seen as a high authority of the Federation in the absence of the general assembly. The secretariat was entitled to meet once every 6 months.

Following the establishment of the Federation and a continuous creation of unions, it became clear that closely related to the workers and their claims the Federation had lived up to its historic responsibilities. Concerned for the issues raised by the other sections of the population, the Federation acted independently from rival groups to maintain a democratic tradition over time.

Most particularly, the Federation was dedicated to the social welfare of workers of the country. Additionally, it helped to establish the Farmers' Union of the Gezira, the Northern province, the Nuba Mountains, the Blue Nile and the White Nile regions. The Federation played the greatest role in supporting student's movement, the Youth Union, and the Women's Union. For example, the Federation supported 96 finalist students who had been dismissed from school by the colonial authorities in 1950.

By adopting their cause before the legislative Assembly, the Federation succeeded in reopening the schools closed with respect to the students’ movement in September 1950. The Federation processed the readmission of 80 students to school and helped the remaining students to resume their studies at the well-celebrated Al-Moutamar High School in Omdurman that was the only school with a completed system of graduation..

Another important event demonstrating support of the Federation to the other working sectors pertained to the strike of police who in July 1951 claimed a wage increase, good housing, reduction of work hours, cancellation of secret defaulter sheets of service, and improvement of uniform. The police force was working 12 hours a day for only 180 piasters a month [i.e., less than 2 pounds]. They were made to live collectively in small wards and to perform their duties with a weighty hat [tartour].

The support provided by the Federation to the policemen led to a positive response on the part of the authorities. Nevertheless, the policemen who had been leading the strike were imprisoned. Al-Shafi' Ahmed Al-Shaikh, the distinguished Secretary General of the Federation, was equally imprisoned with many other trades unionists.

The United Association of Sudan Liberation

Exercising unionist activities, the workers acquired a greater awareness of public affairs than ever before. Eventually, they moved ahead from the limited scope of union affairs to the much larger arena of Sudan national affairs.

The Workers' Federation was concerned for the cause of national unity in 1951 when the British Government, supported by some Sudanese parties, suggested the establishment of a system of self-rule in Sudan. The workers held a special meeting for their Congress to amend the constitution. A project of creating a united association for the liberation of Sudan was then presented to all political parties and popular organizations on the basis of these principles:

First: Rejection of the idea of self-rule as suggested by the Condominium Government [i.e., Great Britain and Egypt].

Second: By granting the right of self-determination to the People of Sudan, Condominium powers should pave the way for Sudanese People to exercise this right freely.

Third: Rejection of the Eisenhower Doctrine that aimed to make defense pacts in the Middle East.

A United Association for Liberation of The Sudan was formed in collaboration with Sudanese unionist parties [those supportive of unity of the Sudan and Egypt]. The Federation was entrusted with leadership of the Association.

The activities of workers were consequently expanded in the subsequent struggles that took place between Sudanese People and the colonial authorities. Strongly defending the rights of people, in general, and workers, in particular, the Federation occupied an outstanding position in Sudanese liberation movement since the very day of its inception up to the year 1968.

Particularly important, an exceptional congress of the Federation in 1951 provided an opportunity for Sudanese workers to develop relations with Egyptian workers. These relations had been remarkably enhanced since the years 1946-1947 when the workers of Egypt, expressing support to the general strike of Sudanese workers at that time, contributed with a one day salary to the Sudanese workers, the united section of the People of Sudan.

This significant stance was subsequently recognized b y the Sudanese Federation that invited the Workers' Union of Egypt to [participate in their 2nd Congress on December 1951.] The Egyptian workers' executive committee sent three delegates representing the steering committee of the workers of Egypt.

The significant event was unfortunately converted to a regrettable situation because the colonial authorities harassed the Egyptian delegates by inflicting upon them a bond of 100 pounds that was timely paid by a generous Sudanese citizen. The delegates were told to leave the country immediately. This, however, linked up the relation between Egyptian and Sudanese workers with a special bondage especially after the 1950's.

The Achievements of 1951

The Workers' Congress made an important amendment in the constitution of the Federation that provided for political involvement as a means of strengthening claims of the unions. The workers discovered that the involvement was inevitable because a strong correlation had been existing in reality between labor and the policies and practices of government.

Another battle erupted about a law enforced by the executive council of the Legislative Assembly (Act 22/1953) to fight "destructive activities." The unions organized a campaign to have that law repealed after the national elections of 1953. The Federation initiated the idea of setting up a Conference for the Defense of Freedoms on November 4, 1953. The Conference called for abrogation of the law. Also the Press, such as Al-Ray Al-A'm newspaper, exerted a great pressure on the legislature.

Earlier in February 1952, the Federation came out in a public strike to protest the law even though the strike had been criticized because it failed to ensure full anticipation of all workers in it.

Seen in the light of international criteria, nonetheless, a strike involving 51% participants or more would be considered successful. In actual fact, the workers' strike had been effectively organized for it significantly helped to freeze the law for a whole succeeding year.

The forces executing the strike represented a massive majority of the Sudanese People who voted in the first national elections of Sudan for a government that responded positively to the recommendations raised by the Conference for Defense of Freedoms.

Delighted by the positive response of the elected government, the Workers' Federation wrote a letter commending the government:

"Prime Minister ..
Your stand with the cause of democratic freedoms for our people, starting with abrogation of the Law of Destructive Activities, is worthy of a government that has come about by the Will of People aspiring to freedom and dignity. The Sudan Workers' Trades Unions Federation that has pioneered in the campaign organized against the law by mobilizing all citizens to oppose it, is pleased to express deep regards to this glorious task. We are fully confident that by enforcing such a policy your government would be advancing the cause of liberation.
You undoubtedly are aware that People can not continue to struggle for the freedoms of their upcoming generations if they are restricted by laws prohibiting the right to assembly, expression, movement and all of the other civil and political rights. We look forward with great confidence to the removal of all laws that curtailed freedom as had been enacted and enforced by colonialism to handicap the march of People toward liberation.
As we convey the appreciation of our People to the marvelous decision undertaken to abrogate the Law of Destructive Activities, we ask you on behalf of the People to remove any other law inhibiting freedoms.
May you thrive in a vibrant rule. We assure you the Sudanese working class will support you firmly.
Sincerely,
President,
Sudanese Workers' Unions Federation."

Another letter addressed by the Workers' Federation to the Speaker of Parliament appreciated the abrogation of the new Law of Destructive Activities:

"Mr. Speaker,
Members of Parliament
The decision taken by the Honorable Parliament in the evening of Tuesday March 30, 1954, is certainly deemed a glorious event in the history of the first Legislature of our country. Freedom has always been a foremost goal for our People since our country was invaded by foreigners. With repealing of the Law of Destructive Activities, you have assisted the People to proceed in the achievement of their goals.
Speaking for the Sudanese working class which is well-expressive of the feelings of all nationalist classes, the Sudan Workers' Trades Unions Federation venerates your stand. You surely know that this law has been effectively used by enemies of our People as a sole instrument to protect their own interests.
We are certain that the resolution undertaken by Parliament on April 30, 1954 is a promulgation of many subsequent steps that would repeal all laws impeding freedoms. The Federation affirms that the Sudanese workers will continue to stand by your side so long as you continue to observe interests of the People and care for their demands.
The People are watchful of your deeds.
(Signed)
President,
Sudan Workers' Trades Unions Federation."

Related to the struggles of workers in the national political arena, the Federation was equally impelled to put pressure on the Authority to pay attention to the economic and political need of the unions. Despite the fact that the government as the largest employer recognized the right of workers to negotiate their claims with the Authority, the years 1952 -1952 witnessed many confrontations between the negotiating parties as labor unions insisted in exercising the right to be opposed to any schemes that might antagonize labor interests. The unions insisted in exercising the right to study any proposals on the part of government before they would accede to them.

The Federation, in particular, preferred to have a system of progressive wages as a just way to ensure competition between strata of the working force so the wages would be offered in correspondence with the performed labor whether it was manual, professional, administrative or clerical. This way, the ensuing revenues of production would be at least justly distributed. According to the wages' structure, the working force was classified into two major groups: the employees, formerly called the "effendiya," and the workers who were divided into either skilled labor or unskilled labor.

The October Revolution

Soon after the downfall of the generals' military government [1958-1964] by the October Popular Uprising, democratic orientations had to be restored to maintain the structure and functioning of the unions. To that effect, a large meeting combining all unionists directed the secretary general of the newly formed federation who had been elected in August 1963 to invite representatives of labor unions to a labor congress.

The Congress was held by the unions that had been earlier assembled according to the elections law of 1949 (amended 1966). The participants unanimously agreed to reestablish the Workers' Federation in line with the constitution of 1950 (amended 1953).

The unions approved most of the resolutions of which the Workers' Club in Khartoum was made a national office space for the Federation. A general secretariat led by an executive committee and supervised by an enlarged central committee was eventually formed.

The new Federation began to implement a program of action approved by the forces of the October Revolution. The program allowed all members of the Front of Associations (which had worked out the October Uprising) to form a transitional government of political parties, workers, farmers, and the other professional groups.

It was expected that the minister representing Sudan workers would be the elected Secretary General of the Federation, Al-Shafi' Ahmed Al-Shaikh, being a well-celebrated trades unionist. And yet, the unions emphasized the need to elect a representative of the Federation for the transitional government to avoid rumors and to reinforce democratic traditions among union ranks.

The election of a labor minister was run under supervision of Judge Abel Alier. All union committees representing workers' general assemblies all over Sudan were invited for a meeting scheduled for that agenda. Three candidates competed in the ballot of which 2 withdrew their names. The result was shown before a large meeting of the unions at the Workers' Club in Khartoum. The proceedings were agreed upon and Judge Abel Alier announced Al-Shafi' Ahmed Al-Shaikh an unanimously elected minister of labor for the Transitional Government of the October Revolution.

The Federation prepared itself to play the new role with which it had been entrusted as representative of Sudan workers in the Revolution Council of Ministers. Nonetheless, labor conflicts broke out with the new government by strikes and other protests that were apparently labor claims, but they were antagonizing government policies in actual fact. The Federation was embarrassingly caught in the dilemma as it had been trying to strike a balance between the conflicting parties.

The stability of the October 1964's transitional government was undermined by the escalated political and economic conflicts. The labor unions participated in the government through their representative minister for only 100 days. Thereafter, representatives of unions and professional groups were all deliberately excluded from the government of Sir Al-Khatim Al-Khalifa.

Previous to the purge of union ministers from the transitional government, the Workers' Federation had earlier taken a courteous decision to freeze claims of a wage increase to allow the enforcement of a low price policy that would make a 20% rise of the labor purchase power.

The withdrawal of government political support from the unions resurfaced the concern of the Federation for labor claims in relation with the original program of the October Revolution. It was decided that the Federation should continue to achieve that program.

Avoiding New Divisions

Having defeated divisiveness and those attempting it to weaken the unity of unions by the successful process of restoration of unity through the united workers' Federation, the Federation undertook a serious effort to democratize unions' activities amongst union membership. Moreover, the Federation was greatly concerned for the living standards of workers, in addition to the continuous pressure of workers to improve wages, reduce work hours, apply social security and labor laws, labor cultural programs, education, housing, etc.

The Federation disseminated clear information about all these issues among the unions had them discussed by union general assemblies then raised them to the authorities for approval and implementation.

The Federation called for the convening of regional conferences, besides meetings for each union as a way to develop union claims. Deliberations were subsequently made between the union members before the Secretariat-General of the Federation began to discuss possibilities of negotiation with the government about labor claims.

After many memorandums had been submitted to the authorities with respect to the labor claims, the Federation engaged with the government in a series of negotiations which all failed to achieve a common understanding between the negotiating partners. It was therefore decided that the Federation would have to return to the unions for further consultation.

The Federation used all means available to enlighten the workers on the situation. Manly leaflets were issued together with the application of union meetings and regional conferences.

The last preparatory conference convened in Atbara city at the Railways Club. This instance signified many meaningful indications for the labor movement as Atbara had always acted as a main base of that movement. Atbara contained the largest labor unionist population. In fact, the labor movement had originally begun its march from Atbara in 1947/48.

The Railways’ Union hosted the preparatory conference of the central committee and the secretariat general of the Workers' Federation, accompanied by President of the Railways' Union who being a member of the central committee of the Federation had been playing a significant role to urge the railways workers to participate in the conference.

The Federation explained to the workers that the negotiations with the government failed to achieve any useful progress of labor claims, that the government was persistently reluctant to respond to the unions, and that the Federation had done so much effort to persuade the government to adopt labor claims without achieving any success.

It became clear that a general strike would be the only way possible to force the government to consider labor claims. Here, the President of the Railways Union suggested a 5-day strike.

The workers made a large campaign in preparation of the strike with the general assemblies of the unions. The strike was announced in a legal way by issuing a warrant 14 days prior to the day planned for its occurrence. However, the government coalition parties called for a meeting with workers at the Abdel-Mon’im Square, only 48 hours before day of the strike.

The Head of State and the President of the Railways' Union addressed themselves to the masses. The President of the railways' Union withdrew from the decision of the strike and condemned political groups, rather than union groups, for the announcement of the strike. Ironically, the President of the Railways' Union was the one who had primarily called for the strike at the Atbara Conference. He went further to declare that the Railways' Union would not take part in the strike.

Notwithstanding, the strike took place on August 20, 1968. All unions participated in the strike led by the Railways' Union. This became a historic event in the development of the labor movement of Sudan. Actually, the conflicts that continued unabated between labor unions and the government might have been one of the many other factors that motivated the seizure of political power by the May military coup in 1969.

Attempts were made to negotiate with the government. On its part, the government tried to control the situation through the implementation of the Al-Hindi Employment Plan that involved financial and administrative measures to beautify the face of government before labor unions.

These measures were not remedial to the ensuing rupture of the union/government conflict that persisted until advent of the May coup in 1969.

The Labor Movement and the May Coup

The occurrence of the May coup changed the ongoing political and economic conditions as the new military rulers laid out a promising program for good labor relations. Compared to the previous failures of the past, the workers considered the program a workable approach to realize their aspirations. They rallied in a famous demonstration to support the May regime, in addition to many other forms of support. The workers held many meetings with the new Authority. That was a "honey moon" in which the new rulers showed a serious concern for the standpoints of the labor unions and their claims.

The new mode of labor-government relations encouraged the unions to prepare themselves for a fruitful cooperation with the new regime. A General Council of Trades Unions was established with the membership of the workers, employees, and teachers unions.

Prior to these events, the Council of Ministers issued new decisions to regulate the terms of service including a decision canceling the autonomous status of a number of public institutions, factories, and the large service sector. These decisions, nonetheless, were previously adopted by the former government.

The decision undertaken by the government (before the May military rule) concerning the autonomy of some institutions to establish special terms of service for their own workers and employees generated positive repercussions. It provided the public service units with an opportunity to create suitable wage structures in accordance with working conditions, nature of work, and production relations.

The new labor regulations of the May government allowed the public service to develop its abilities to advance the country by increasing productivity. It became possible for the working force to account clearly for production standards such as profitability or loss. The workers knew the extent of their contribution in work and the revenue due in each case.

The public institutions granted autonomous administrative status from central government were 18, including the railways’ corporation, electricity and water corporation, the Gezira Board, government factories, etc. The changes of wage structures and the other benefits of service motivated the workers and raised their productivity.

The labor unions enjoyed a greater supervision of work with respect to the financial and administrative affairs of the working units than ever before. Most particularly, the labor unions were empowered to combat the corruption that had so much ravaged the national economy of the country.

The cancellation of the autonomous status of state corporations by the May Authority, however, deprived workers of the rights and privileges they had so dearly struggled to acquire in the past. It virtually ended the "honey moon" of labor unions with the May military regime.

The Workers' Federation found itself in a critical situation for it had been the first supporter of the May coup. The Federation adopted the opening statement of the coup as a Charter for National Action for the sake of Sudanese People. Representing the workers and their aspirations, the Federation acted as a sole platform to voice labor claims and defend unions' interests.

The Federation took upon itself the responsibility of improving the broken relations between labor unions and the new Authority. For example, the electricity and water’s corporation decided to strike to protest decisions of the government. But it was not appropriate to engage in a conflict with the authority at that particular time. Attempts were made to reconcile the dispute by reinstating the former autonomous status of the corporation and the position of workers in production relations. Additionally, the workers were compensated with full remuneration for the period in dispute.

That was the first direct conflict between a labor union and the new government on labor relations. The General Council of Trades Unions tried to promote wages and the terms of service by proposing new regulations for labor relations. These were made into 21 acts and had been known as the Unified Labor Law.

A working committee to work out the new labor law was selected by the three partners, the government, labor unions, and employers. The ministry of finance and national economy represented the civil service. The employers were represented by the chamber of industries and commerce. Each of the three labor unions' federations, i.e., the workers, employees, and teachers’ federations selected 5 delegates for the committee.

The committee set up a unified law that accommodated all aspects of labor relations. The Workers' Federation succeeded in providing for social security within the new bill. Finally, the May Revolution Command Council, being the legislative power of Sudan at that time, issued an urgent decision approving the proposed law.

Repeal of the Unified Labor Law

The enactment of the Unified Labor Law by the May Revolution Command Council was seriously observed by labor unions. A month of such active enforcement of the law generated many disputes among labor unions and the owners of factories and business companies or firms. Reconciliation committees for arbitration and a final resort to the general assemblies of unions for further consultation were normally adopted to resolve the tensions ensuing in the application of the new law.

It was agreed that small committees involving 3 delegates of the workers, employees, and government representatives should follow up the measures needed to settle labor problems within the working place of the concerned union. Nonetheless, the workers never regarded the existence of these committees as an alternative to the right to strike.

It was my opinion that the Unified Labor Law proved to be one of the most suitable laws that did satisfy workers' claims throughout the history of labor movement in Sudan. During the month in which the law was firmly applied, many positive aspects of union relations were sufficiently materialized. Some people were unhappy about the successful application of the law. Ultimately, as announced by the Prime Minister, the Council of Ministers nullified the law and reinstated the former acts of labor.

July 19, 1971

Great many unionists deemed the repeal of the Unified Labor Law as a collapse of the labor movement. However, I believe that the events that took place on July 19, 1971, namely the redemption movement aiming at the overthrow of the May military coup, did not stand as a real cause of the serious conflict that had already erupted between government and the labor unions. The real cause evolved around the Unified Labor Law which abrogation frustrated the workers who had been struggling hard for the enactment and enforcement of the law.

It became clear that the May regime was retreating from the program it had already adopted. By mid days of the year 1971, the Sudanese arena was loaded with a great crisis.

On the other side, the government started to take advantage of the situation. New initiatives were promulgated by a number of politicians and unionists who had been appointed by the May government to divide the labor movement.

One of these initiatives was made by Muawiya Ibrahim Sourig, the minister of labor, who invited all unions to a meeting at the Examinations Hall of the University of Khartoum. The invitation included the chambers of industries and business, in addition to many other popular organizations.

On entering into the meeting's hall, the papers of a new labor act were distributed among the audience. That was the Labor Law of 1971 that the minister planned on passing in the absence of many unionists abroad. In so doing, the minister ignored the Workers' Federation as he had made an attempt to legitimize the enactment of a new law through the delegates available at the Examinations Hall.

The minister, nonetheless, was quite aware that the Sudanese unionist movement had always maintained democratic traditions such that any labor legislation would have to be scrutinized by union assemblies before it could possibly be enforced on them by any authority.

A representative of labor unions spoke on behalf of all the participant unions to the meeting. He insisted that the new law must be shown to the general assemblies of unions as was traditionally practiced. He protested against the farcical attempt of the minister to pass a labor law without labor consultation.

All delegates supported the representative of workers' unions. But the minister was not entertained by the delegates’ applaud. Determined to divide the labor movement among itself, the minister continued to agitate the ongoing hostilities among labor unions and the Authority.

The military coup of July 19, 1971 seized political power. As usual, the Workers' Federation was obliged to take a clear stand on the event. Hence, the Secretariat General of the Federation met with the central committee of the Federation to discuss the new development.

The idea of supporting the July coup was suggested in the meeting. However, the central committee and its executive committee rejected the idea. The Secretary

General of the Federation insisted in taking the whole issue to the workers' assemblies to come up with a clear stand on the matter.

The unions came to the Workers' Club at Khartoum. It was a very big meeting in which the agenda was thoroughly discussed. The meeting resolved in making a huge demonstration to support the new authority of the July coup.

After the demonstration, it appeared that a counter attack had been staged to foil the July movement. The Workers' Federation continued to evaluate the situation closely with the Secretary General of the Federation.

The Sudan Workers Federation finally agreed to stand ahead in support of the new authority of the July coup because the opening statement of the Revolution Council of the July 19th Redemption Movement emphasized the need top satisfy the labor claims as had been earlier stressed by the opening statement of the May military coup before it turned against the working class.

The July Movement was much clearer in adopting labor claims than had the May overthrown regime. So the workers decided to struggle for the realization of the July's new commitment to workers' interests.

The Massacres of July 1971

On the 23rd of July 1971 events continued to occur in tension and violence.

Al-Shafi' Ahmed Al-Shaikh, the Workers' Federation Secretary General, stayed persistently at his office for he had been a representative of Sudan Workers. He actually did not constitute a party of the warring factions of the May or June military authorities.

The failure of the July Movement followed by the reinstatement of the May Authority resulted in the launch of a horrible bloody campaign by the May rulers. Hundreds of citizens with different political affiliations were arbitrarily arrested.

The May rulers committed a most atrocious crime by extra-judicially killing Al-Shafi' Ahmed Al-Shaikh, the Secretary General of the Workers' Federation. A formal decree personally issued by Nimeirir, the May leader, appointed a new secretariat for the Workers' Federation under the chairmanship of Abd-Allah Genawi and some other persons.

The new secretariat tried hard to use the name of the legitimate Workers' Federation. They made false accusations and were often involved in conspiracies to distort the legitimate Federation they unlawfully seized. But the bright history of the Federation always testified to the consistent stands it had been taking to strengthen the workers' independent movement and to act in accordance with regional and international labor laws.

In the meantime, the Authority persecuted the trade unionists and the politicians who opposed the regime without finding legal evidence to put them on trial. These anti-democratic practices were enforced until the government enacted another labor law in 1971 by which the Workers' Federation was finally shaped as a governmental organization that could no more claim to represent Sudan's workers' unionist movement.

Resisting the Sudanese Socialist Union

In 1973, a number of trade unionists were released from detention. Some were further reallocated in the public service from which they resumed their former struggles to rebuild a labor democratic movement independently from the authority.

The worker unionists worked with perseverance to reestablish the Workers'

Federation by using new forms of union activities in a creative way. For example, they formed a Unions' Front secretively. Also, they fought against the Labor Law 1971 that was used as a tool of repression to preempt labor rights and to subdue union activities.

Despite the persecution inflicted upon them by the authority, the democratic unionists succeeded in holding a secretive meeting attended by 40 union delegates from all over the Sudan, including the participation of women for the first time represented by Fatima Ahmed Ibrahim, the spouse of Al-Shafi' Ahmed Al-Shaikh.

The conference convened for only one day. It was so eloquently prepared that the authority knew nothing about it. A secretariat of 10 persons was then elected to carry out the tasks of packing up secretive struggles against the tyrannous laws and practices of the authority.

The secretariat achieved a great success in disseminating information among workers of the public sector on the injustices committed by the regime and the need to resist labor repression. These activities compelled the authority to run elections for the labor unions and to amend some of the labor regulations that had earlier restricted the free movement of labor.

The authority, however, came with an idea of a Sudanese Socialist Union, a single state ruling party, to control tightly the popular movement for the political ends of the dictatorial regime.

The Sudanese Socialist Union stated in its constitution that the unions' movement constituted one of its tributaries. This policy direction stimulated animosity on the part of labor unions that, in response, increased the effort to resist plans of the authority to incorporate non-governmental organizations in the new political party of the state.

The resistance of Sudan workers to the May authority featured as a prominent opposition of the Nimeiri regime. The popular movement developed in different forms of which many military attempts occurred to overthrow the regime, for example the military insurrections of Hassan Hussain and the Mohamed Noor Sa'ad attempts.

The political climate changed with a great turmoil when the Sudanese People began to challenge the regime massively. The Sudan workers played a significant role in organizing that resistance by escalating tensions in the Khartoum North industrial area and the large state corporations and government units, the railways, electricity and water corporation, etc.

Although the penalty of strike was a death penalty at that time, the workers were not afraid of that fate. They were determined to exercise their legitimate right to strike. They challenged the shaky regime with a unique steadfastness.

During the years 1975 throughout 1978, the labor unions' democratic struggles influenced the popular movement to a great extent. The government was repeatedly forced to amend labor laws. For instance, the idea of incorporating labor unions into the Socialist Union of the state was finally abandoned. The unions restored their multiplicity and autonomy as they mounted up to a total of 107 unions, including 45 worker unions.

Thus the Sudanese trade unionist movement survived independently from any governmental control, despite the hardships it had been suffering under the May dictatorial rule. The labor unions regained many rights through the profound struggles they had adamantly made to enjoy a full exercise of labor rights.

With that triumphant survival, the unions participated in the making of the April Uprising in 1985.

Sudan Workers and International Labor

The cruel executions of Sudanese labor leaders accompanied with the evil campaign of the May authority against labor unionists aroused the anger of regional and international communities. The killing of Al-Shafi' Ahmed Al-Shaikh, the Secretary General of the Workers' Federation, motivated a world solidarity campaign with Sudan unions by the international movement of labor unions in a strong opposition to the May rule of Sudan.

The workers of the whole world engaged in huge demonstrations to protest the extra-judicial killing of Al-Shafi'. At Paris in France, 1.5 million unionists demonstrated in one of the most famous demonstrations ever organized to protest the situation of labor unions in Sudan.

The manifestation of this enormous labor solidarity with the Sudanese unions requires some detailed mention of the Federation's international relations.

The relations of the Federation with external labor unions began in the early days of its foundation. We have already alluded to the relation that grew over time between workers of Egypt and those of Sudan. We mentioned in particular the good effort exerted by Egypt Workers to stand by the side of their brothers, the Sudan Workers, after the strikes of the mid 40's and the early 1950's.

Many other solidarity campaigns were equally organized with workers of the Sudan by the other unions, such as the International Labor Union that visited the country in response to the solidarity campaigns made by Sudan workers with all people of the world.

All these campaigns strengthened the relations of Sudanese people with the external world.

Some workers wished that the labor unions would be staying aloof from politics, even the national liberation movement. And yet, the majority of workers understood the nature and needs of the struggle for labor rights. The labor issues cannot be separated from political action of international politics.

The first move towards a mutual program of union visits came from the workers of Egypt. This was lately followed by the participation of delegates of the Workers' Federation led by Al-Shafi' Ahmed Al-Shaikh in company with the martyr Kasim Amin and a group of young workers in a world labor conference that was held in Germany.

The conference selected AL-Shafi' Ahmed Al-Shaikh to be a member of the presidency of the World Workers' Union. Over the years, Al-Shafi' was promoted to a Vice President of that international unions’ position he continued to occupy until his assassination by the May authority.

Ibrahim Zakariya formed a continental secretariat within the World Union until he became a Vice President of that union. Hence, the Sudan Workers' Federation occupied significant position through the activities of its leaders in the international labor movement.

The participation of Sudanese workers in external conferences increased their awareness of labor unionism and expanded their role in national and international activities. The Federation gained an influential position within the international labor movement, in addition to the advancement of its organizational and political leverage inside the country.

It was with this distinguished status that the Federation managed to lead many international campaigns for example the solidarity campaign with the workers and People of Algeria. Al-Shafi' Ahmed Al-Shaikhj was a member of the organizing committee of that campaign together with t he participation of Ibrahim Zakariya and Kasim Amin among many other Sudanese unionists.

The Workers' Federation supported the workers of Guinea in the reign of President Ahmed Sicou Tore. Solidarity was equally shown to the workers and people of Southern Yemen, Vietnam, and Angola. With these activities, the Sudan

Workers' Trades Unions Federation entrenched its principled stand with respect to world issues and national affairs at that particular time.

Al-Shafi' Ahmed Al-Shaikh, the martyr of the labor movement, played a prominent role in all these activities. In response, the whole world protested with anger his extra-judicial killing. The impact of that international indignation helped effectively to stop intentions of the May authority to kill the other unionists.

The Arab Workers' Union was another important supporter of Sudan Workers during the conflict with the May regime. A glorious visit in solidarity with workers of the Sudan was paid by the Secretary General of the Arab Union to investigate realities of the situation and the events that had earlier taken place. The Arab Secretary General visited workers detained at the prison and emphasized the need to grant their human rights. That was an honorable act that encouraged the detained unionists and strengthened further the brotherly relations between Egyptian and Sudanese labor unions.

The Sudan Workers' Federation was also recognized for the significant part it played in solidarity with the workers and people of Palestine who ran their activities in the Sudan from the Workers' Club at Khartoum. The Federation collaborated actively with the workers and People of Vietnam. The Secretary General f the Federation, Al-Shafi' Ahmed Al-Shaikh, traveled to Vietnam during the war to express that solidarity.

Activities in the African Region

The Workers' Federation participated actively since 1962/1963 as a founder member of the African Labor Union that was previously called the All-Africa Union. It is now called the Unity of African Unions.

The establishment of the African Union enabled African unions to participate in their turn in the works of the World Union. Ibrahim Zakariya worked actively in a conference held at Bamako in Mali that concluded in signing a charter for the establishment of African trades' unionist movement.

SHRO-Cairo Publication//