The efforts to achieve a political comprehensive settlement for the crisis of Sudan witnessed an important development in September 2000. The Second Congress of the opposition National Democratic Alliance (NDA) was convened. A meeting was held between the NDA President and the head of the ruling regime, and in relation to that the regime's National Congress Party held an exceptional meeting as well.

The NDA Masawa' Congress was convened between 9 and 13 September towards ending the war and constructing a New Sudan. The Congress priority agenda adopted the option of a comprehensive political settlement. A meeting was held on September 26 between general Omer Hassan Al-Bashir, the president of the republic and Al-Sayed Mohamed Osman Al-Mirghani, the NDA President, in Asmara the capitol of Eritrea. The two partners emphasized the concern for peace and the stability of Sudan can only be achieved by a comprehensive political settlement not by military action. The partners said they were determined to put a quick end for the war and to create the conditions conducive to the voluntary unity and the reconstruction of the country.

The Asmara meeting, the first of its type, was considered as an exploratory meeting after which direct negotiations would be made to enforce a comprehensive settlement to end the crisis of Sudan. This certainly is a difficult task. Although the meting was a significant step that broke the ice it is not as yet conducive to the final settlement. On one side, the government has not positively responded to the NDA requirements to take appropriate measures for a fruitful dialogue. The government has not canceled the non-democratic provisions of the act of national security and the law of political parties. It has not yet guaranteed the freedom of political parties and trade union activities. The government has not yet unites the forum of the political dialogue. The opposition considered these measures as a vital procedure to move into the cancellation of the constitution for the sake of a transitional constitution. Then to change the existing government, enforce the formulation of a national government to execute the program of the transitional government, establish a new basis for the voluntary national unity, and specify a date for the constitutional conference.

On the other side, the government's position is not serious concerning the political settlement. It appears, the government deals with the ongoing efforts to make a comprehensive political settlement only to strengthen government program and fundamental issues. This is ascertained by the statement that the ruling Congress Party issued in the conference it held during September 27-29. The conference called for "an exercise of freedoms within the framework of the law and the constitution." Both of these are not agreed upon. The conference assured the peaceful dialogue must be taken "with commitment to the political and constitutional principles that represent the high values of the nation and preserve the high interests and the wise political practice without totalitarianism or party chaos". More than ever , the exceptional congress of the ruling party that was held after to the Asmara meeting between Al-Mirghani and Bashir confirmed, "there would be no retreat from the Islamic Shari'a and the fixed principles of the National Salvation, or the federal government".

In addition to all this, the government continues to prepare for a parliamentary and presidential national election. Voting was scheduled on December 11-20 for all states. The 24th of December was set for the final results of the election. This clearly indicates the government is determined to rule out the participation of the other parties.

This September, a new IGAD round of talks was conducted between the Khartoum government and the SPLM. The talks were made in the Baringo district west of the Kenyan capitol Nariobi. The agenda included the distribution of wealth, autonomous rule of the South, religion and state, and the right of self- determination for the territories of southern Kordofan, the Ingessana, and Abyai. The talks were concluded in the first week of October to no avail.

Before the IGAD talks, the government announced a cease-fire in the South for two weeks. This announcement came about with an accusation by the government that the SPLM had been violating the cease-fire and obstructing the regular delivery of relief aid to the South. The government, however, was continuously violating the cease-fire truce. On September 14, for example, the government air raids bombarded with 17 bombs the village of Aktos in Eastern Equatoria (20 miles off the Sudanese-Ugandan border). Two persons were injured and 24 houses were demolished. After 4 days, the government airforce bombed the village of Naros (10 miles of the Sudanese-Kenyan border) with 11 bombs. A dispensary run by the Catholic Church was largely destroyed. Two persons were killed and 11 injured. SHRO-Cairo strongly condemned these attacks on the innocent civilians The Organization condemned the government for using schools, hospitals, and houses as military targets. SHRO-Cairo called upon the government to stop all these serious violations against civilians.

The emergency law continued all over September as an additional violation of public freedoms and the privacy of citizens' political and civil rights.

Violating Women's Right to Work

On September 5, the governor of Khartoum, Dr. Mazoub Al-Kahlifa, issued the decision no. 84 to prohibit women from work in hotels, restaurants, and gas stations. SHRO-Cairo and many other organizations in the country expressed deep concerns about the decision that violates Article 23 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The Article says: "Every one has the right to work, to free choice of employment, to just and favourable conditions of work and to protection against unemplyment."). The decision also violates Article 1 (2) of the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights. The decision by the Khartoum governor is a gross violation of the women's right to work that is guaranteed by the Sudanese national law including the 1998 constitution of the regime.

Despite the fact that the constitutional court issued another decision in September 9 that suspended the decision of the governor, the governor announced his rejection to the court's decision. He said his decision already transcended the stage of issuance to that of execution and entrenchment. The constitutional court did not take any position against the governor. Galal Ali Lutfi, the head judge of the court, issued a decree that prohibited the press and citizens from commenting on the matter. He said that all comments would affect the due process of justice. The head of the high constitutional court said that any comment or discussion published on the case against the governor of Khartoum before his court would decide on the matter would lead to a criminal prosecution of the press.

The decision of the governor was not a personal decision. It is part of the general orientation of the State. This is confirmed by the support the governor's decision met on the part of the legislative body of the Khartoum State. They publicly announced that the decision was congruent with the Shari'a Law, the constitution, labor law, and the tourism and hotels act. Many other officials supported the decision of the governor. Ghazi Salah El-Deen, the minister of culture and information, affirmed that the governor "took his decision as a responsible personal appreciation of the case, according to his jurisdiction and responsibilities."

The authorities violently reacted to a peaceful march by the women who tried to deliver a memo protesting the governor's decision to the council of ministers. The security forces and the police used tar gas and heavy sticks to beat the women of whom many were injured and arrested.

Arrests

The SHRO-Cairo received reliable information on arrests of 26 women who participated in the march of September 1. The list of detainees included: Gamar Abd Allah Mohamed Salih, Aziza Awad, Ni'ma Awad Al-Seed, Nagat Abu Al-Gasim, Rahsa Abd Allah, Safa Abd Al-Rahman, Taiba Abdel-Rahman Sharif, Sahar Mohamed Tahir, Fayza Abu Bakr Mustafa, Alawiya Ahmed Siddiq, Maha Yaqoub, Nimat Yaqoub, In'am Abd Allah, Saliha Abd Allah Saeed, Mahasin Mustafa, Mona Mohamed Tahir, Kawthar Ibrahim, Zeinab Ali Al-Umda, Amira Yousif Abu Tawila, Salwa Saeed Abd Al-Karim, Nazik Mahgoub Osman, Awadiya Al-Haj, Zahra Faysal, Intisar Al-Toam, Wisal Abd Al-Mageed, and In'am Abd Allah Saeed.

The SHRO-Cairo reported in a statement issued on September 12 that the human rights of women in particular were violated in spite of the constitution, the constitutional court decision, and the Sudanese norms. The violation was equally committed against all charters and conventions that respect human rights, especially articles 9 and 20 of the international convention concerning arbitrary arrests. SHRO-Cairo condemned the governor of Khartoum and drew the attention of the government to these gross violations. SHRO-Cairo called upon all regional and international human rights organizations and women's organizations in particular to put the pressure on Sudan government and the governor of Khartoum to cancel his decision and abolish all laws that curtail the public freedoms.

On September 16, the security forces arrested Al-Zain Al-Awad Khidir, a leader of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) in Omdurman without any legal accusation. Al-Zain was transferred to an unknown place. His car and his mobile phone were confiscated. On September 20, the security forces arrested at the Kharotum Airport Dr. Adam Mohamed Ahmed, another leader of the DUP, at the Khartoum Airport on his way back from the Asmara Congress. The arrest of Adam was made without any formal accusation against him. His family failed to know his detention center and his lawyers were not allowed to meet with him.

On September 22, the security forces arrested 4 political activists of the Sudanese Communist Party in Al-Hasahisa town to the south of Khartoum. The arrested persons included: Affifi Ismail, Ab Al-Raouf Omer, Ja'far Abd Al-Raziq, and Mutassim Ibrahim Bashir. They were taken to the city of Meddani the same day of their arrest without any formal accusation or legal order.

The arrests included tens of students in the cities of Kosti, Khartoum, PortSudan, Al-Obeid, and Nyala following massive public protests by students against expensive school fees, the deterioration of education services, and the government's campaigns of compulsory conscription. In Kosti, a student of a secondary school was killed and tens were injured in confrontations with the police. 120 students were arrested and put to trial of whom many were flogged. Some citizens including lawyers were arrested. These citizens included Zaki Mansour, Al-Rasheed Ali Omer, and Sayed Hassan Al-Toam among others.

In Khartoum, a number of students were arrested for a peaceful demonstration in which students of Al-Neelain University and the Sudan University for Sciences and Technology were actively participating.

In Al-Obeid, the Kordofan University students and other secondary school students demonstrated in protest of national service following the crash of a car of the national service with Haytham Ballah Khalil, a citizen riding a bicycle who was injured in the accident. The national service officers were trying to recruit Haytham and other citizens by force.

In Northern DarFur the police confrontation with citizens led to the killing of a female student, Rasha Abd Allah, and the injuries of 8 other students as well. The city of Port Sudan witnessed many attacks by the police against peaceful students who were protesting the imposition of expensive school fees of more than 20,000 pounds on every student in the elementary and secondary education. The authority claimed the demonstrations were politically motivated.

During September, the security forces intensified security work against the personnel and supporters of the national popular congress party that is led by Hassan Al-Turabi. The party said 50 of its personnel were arrested in Al-Fashir, Nyala, the Red Sea, and Khartoum. The names of the detainees included: Idrees Omer Al-Nour, Mukhtar Hamza, Rashid Abd Al-Qadir, Majdi Awad, Walied Ali Karoam, Muawiya Abd Al-Gadir, Amin Shannan, Abd Allah Bilal, Hassan Mohamed Nour, Ahmed Mohamed Ahmed, Ahmed Abd Al-Rahman, Mohamed Farouq, Al-Rasheed Abubakr, Nafi' Mohamed Omer, Mohamed Ali Mohamed Osman, Haytham Abd Al-Mageed, Abdeen Ali Hassan, Hassan Abd Allah, Adham Osman, Hatim Satti Abd Al-Gadir, and Al-Amin Ahmed Shaikh Al-Deen. In Al-Fashir, the party said these were arrested: Abd Allah Mohamed Adam Al-Doma, the party secretary of North DarFur, Mekki Hamid Balilla, Ibrahim Salih Sharif, Abd Allah Adam Abu Dandoosh, Adam Juma' Abou, Adam Sa'ad Al-Nour, Abd Allah Ibrahim Haroun, Issam Al-Deen Yaqoub Ali, Ahmed Shareef Bashr, Mohamed Mahmoud Omer, Mohamed Suliman, Faysal Abd Al-Mageed, Al-Haj Adam, Abd Al-Nasir Abubakr, Abd Allah Biraima Fadl, Mohamed Abd Al-Raheem Fadl Allah, Osdman Mohamed Ibrahim, Jawhar Suliman Ali, Mussadaq Mohamed Ali Inggal, Abd Al-Rasoul Abd Allah Abd Al-Rasoul, Suliman Abbbaker Adam, and Hamza Al-Hadi. In Nyala, the party said many of its members were arrested including Idam Abubakr Islamil, Ahmed Abd Al Rahman, Al-Tigani Seneen, Ahmed Adam Bakhiet, Zuhair Hamid Bellah, and Salah Al-Zain the party's youth leader.

The popular congress party said many of its members were arrested in the capital Khartoum accused of an assassination attempt on the life of a journalist who supported the government. Many of the party students were arrested while demonstrating with the University of the Holy Qur'an in Omdurman the closing week of September. Haj Magid Swar, a student and member of the leadership of the party, and Mohamed Abd Al-Rahman, the high education secretary of the Islamic students movement, were also arrested.

A number of government officials accused the popular congress party of making demonstrations against the government and of planning to sabotage. The party ejected the accusations and accused in turn the government of restricting the right to free expression. The party accused the government of occupying the party premises in Fashir, and Nyala. On September 14, the authorities prevented delegates of the popular congress party from arrival at the Fashir Airpot as they were forced to return to Khartoum by the same plane.

The National Service Campaigns

The government continued to conscript the youth and students from streets and public places to the conscription camps. The national service campaigns were excessively violent. They led to violence in the States of the While Nile and Kordofan.

In the White Nile State, the conscription campaign led to the killing of a citizen who tried to escape the national service. The governor blamed the national service headquarters for the violent events that erupted in the city of Kosti as a result of the killing. In the town of Rabak, Kamal Rajab Abd Al-Gadir died of the torture and harsh training of the national service. These were exercised in the city stadium that had been earlier converted to a training camp for more than a year. The murdered person was a businessperson who was forced to conscript in June. He was taken to the hospital where he immediately died. The authorities claimed he died of malaria. The diseased family said he had been in good health preparing for his wedding when he was forcibly conscripted then killed by the national service authorities.

Despite the strong criticisms of citizens against the national service violations, the government is determined to continue with that. The spokesperson of the national service said there were negative aspects of the conscription campaigns. He affirmed, however, the service would continue to examine the necessary documents to recruit all of the citizens who could not be called upon through school or the work place.

In Khartoum, Ayoub Bashir Mohamed was beaten and humiliated by members of the service although he was not eligible to conscription. He was pulled by force from his car before the hospital, smacked down and beaten. His body was severely injured according to medical reports.

Freedom of the Press

September witnessed the arrest and trial of a number of journalists and writers. Many were required to come before the Prosecutor-General's office for criticisms published on officials of the State. For example, the Prosecutor for Crimes Against the State summoned 3 prominent journalists concerning essays criticizing a statement by Amin Bananni, the state minister at the ministry of justice. Bannnai accused the Central Bank of Sudan of hiding significant information on the financial contravention by some banks. Mahgoub Irwa, a publisher and writer, and Nour Al-Deen Meddani, the deputy editor-in-chief of Al-Sahafa journal, and Osman Mirghani, a writer of Al-Ray Al-Am daily, were repeatedly asked to meet with the Prosecutor-General's office for investigation. The journalists said they were asked to stay for long hours without any interrogation.

The authorities arrested Alola Berhi Kabdani, the director of the research and information bureau of the Al-Ray Al-Akhir newspaper. Kabdani's place of detention is still unknown. The authorities did not formally accuse him although he was arrested and detained. In September, the writer Hassan Ibrahim was accused of publishing an article in Al-Ray Al-Akhir in which he raised many accusations against the governor of Khartoum. Al-Nour Ahmed Al-Nour, the secretary general of the government-controlled Sudanese Journalists' Association, expressed deep concerns for the intimidation the journalists met while doing their work through the summons issued by the Prosecutor-General's Office concerning crimes against the State.

September further witnessed a dangerous attempt to assassinate a government-supporter journalist, Mohamed Taha Mohamed Ahmed the editor-in-chief of Al-Wifaq journal. The accident was related to a harsh article Mohamed Taha published in the issue no. 963 of the journal on September 21. Taha was attacked after a meeting with the National Council for Press and Publications where he was told his journal was suspended for 5 days. The suspension order read: "the article was a violation of the Sudanese morals and principles. It was an expression of gross indecency and a worldly and Day-After bankruptcy."